Book Review - Women, Islamism and the State
Book Review - Women, Islamism and the State
Detailed Analysis Of Book
Having made Egypt the focus of her study, Azza Karam classifies Egyptian feminism into three main groups, namely "secular", "Muslim" and "Islamist" feminisms. Secular feminists, Karam writes, place their activities outside of the religious domain and appeal instead to concepts such as internationally recognized standards of human rights. At the other end of the spectrum, Islamist feminists operate explicitly within a religious framework and argue that women's oppression stems from a misguided attempt to trespass on the territory of men. The just society, they argue, is the society that strives to promote "recognition and compatibility" between the sexes rather than their competition, and these feminists explicitly identify themselves as "Islamist". Somewhere between these two positions, lies that of the "Muslim" feminists. These aim to read religious texts, such as the Qu'ran and the Sunna, from a feminist angle, with the intention of demonstrating that the notion of equality between the sexes is, far from being incompatible with Islam, in fact contained within it. Their position differs from that of their Islamist sisters in that they do not see their reading of religious texts to be part of a wider religious project, such as "Islamic fundamentalism", a slippery term that Karam devotes many pages to unpacking. They do not share the desire for structural changes in society of the type promoted by the Islamists.
Having established this division, Karam explains the distinctions between them, first outlining gaps as "in a state of flux and are context and issue bound". That is to say, members of each of these groups sometimes launch unified action in addressing specific issues, leading to the incorrect belief that they are not, in fact, distinguishable from one another. In reality, each of the three may differ sharply as regards political position, socio-economic background, and perception of women's position in Egyptian society and their degree of oppression. These groups further differ as regards type and form of action to be taken regarding feminist causes.
In examining these three groups, Karam attempts to adopt an objective position as an observer. However, as her research is from an ethnographic point of view, not to mention that she makes constant references to her own experiences and interactions with the Egyptian feminists, the book comes across as ultimately subjective. This is most clearly observed in those instances where she speaks in the first person. That is, the use of the "I."
Despite subjectivity, the book is a valuable reference on the Egyptian feminist movement. It presents the readers with accounts (in the first person) of how the members, and the leaders, of each of these three groups view themselves, their cause, position in society, and blueprint for action. Following from that, Karam offers an analysis of the views presented by each of the representatives of these groups, Zaynab al-Ghazali, Safinaz Qazim and Heba Raouf.
Karam then proceeds to analysis the legal status of women within the structure of Egyptian Personal Law, discussing how they are affected as a group and as individuals. Tremendous attention is given to laws regarding nationality, labour and political rights. While these may constitute critically important legal issues, the reader is a bit surprised that not more attention is given to the divorce system and the inherent injustice of it, as it affects both women as a group and as individuals.
In the final sections of the book, Karam reports on, and analyzes, the position of pronounced male thinkers on the status of women in Egyptian society, law and political life. Issues such as the veil, male-female equality and women in the work place are thoroughly discussed. Karam reaches the conclusion, adequately supported with facts, that the views of these men most closely relates to the views of the Islamist feminists, adding that it is also this group that most closely sees eye-to-eye with the state on various issues concerning feminism in Egypt. That is to say, there is not much of an ideological struggle between the state and the Islamist feminist, leading Karam to warn that: "where the two regimes agree most, feminists lose most, since this actually means that feminists have to fight both regimes." That is, the other two groups do not only have the popular and state views to contend with, but also that of the Islamist feminists.
The secular feminists, according to Karam's analysis, have concluded that there is little, if any resemblance in the views espoused by the Islamist feminists and themselves. Basing their blueprint, ideology and action plan upon internationally accepted secular feminist standards; the Egyptian secular feminist group have clashed, on numerous occasions with the Islamist feminists. The point that Karam makes in this regard is that the secular group has an uphill battle to fight since it is the Islamist feminist ideals that are represented in the Egyptian legal system, with near complete marginalization of international feminist ideals and norms. Accordingly, this group argues that the state is basically, to all intents and purposes, an Islamist one and call for the elimination of religious ideals/interpretations from the legal structure and the separation of politics from religion. Needless to say, and as Karam explains, this group is not popular. They are calling for a restructuring of the social and political orders towards the goals of establishing a system and structure that support secular feminist ideals as derived from internationally accepted standards.
In contrast to the secular call for complete secularization, supported with references to international norms, Islamist feminist refer to religious ideals for feminism. That is, they seek support for issues raised with references to specific Quranic verses, ahadith, or instances of Sunna. According to the way in which this group argues its cause, the final analysis is that all, regardless of gender and age, are oppressed by the Egyptian state insofar as it does not restructure itself in accordance with interpretations of political Islam. In direct contrast to the secular feminist perception of the state as being essentially Islamist, the Islamist group perceives the states as being essentially secular. Thus, while secular and Muslim feminists argue for legal reform and the greater education of women, Islamist feminists have tended to argue for the rejection of much existing law in favour of the total application of the Sharia in its fullest and most complete form.
Regarding the middle term in this argument, the Muslim feminists, Karam believes that they "can bridge the ideological divide between feminists, since by their very nature they combine various religious convictions coupled with an intent to shun extremism from either side."
In general, in her survey of the current situation, Karam notes much division and not very much cooperation, probably inevitably. Nevertheless, and despite the differences, she advocates alliances being made. An example would be the campaign to combat female illiteracy, and from here, Karam suggests, "resistance" could be extended to the "hegemony" of feminist discourse. There has to be more of an effort made, she says, to bring feminists together to fight common causes, since, if there is not, the status quo will continue to benefit, and women's oppression will in no way be ameliorated.
Discursive Analysis of Issues Raised in Karam's Study:
A. Egyptian Secular Feminism vs. Traditionalism and Islamist
Feminism
While we may notice that the position of women in many Islamic countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and even Egypt, is characterized by her treatment as an inferior person, this does not mean that religion is the source of such injustice. Islamic history illustrates that women have played a positive and valuable role in private and public life, helping to shape the nature of their world. As one brief example, we can point to Ai'sha, the Prophet's wife, who led armies into battle during the first decades of Islam. Furthermore, both Quranic verse and the Prophet's ahadith stress a high degree of respect for women as valuable members of their communities. The Quran and ahadith note that women often participated in public debates with the Prophet and the early Caliphs, such as Sayidna Umar Ibn Khattab, demonstrating that Islam has a basic respect for the female's opinion. That is, the female was respected as a person, and her rights, were comprehensively established in the Quran. Among these, are her marital rights, and access to divorce according to certain conditions.
The fact that many of her Islamic rights are not protected by the legal system in Moslem countries, as Egypt, has led to the development of feminist movements. A review of the demands of Egyptian feminists shows that they mainly concentrate on the areas of marriage, divorce, and the issue of polygamy (Badran 14-15). Such movements, and demands, are compatible with Islamic teachings and practices. Although it is generally believed that Islam is incompatible with the demands of feminists, with Egyptian feminists generally attacked as arguing for the establishment of Western practices, this is incorrect. The secular feminist movements in Egypt, as led by Huda Shaarawi could be defined as compatible with Islam, insofar as they seek reform of the legal and social structure that is both supported by, and non-defiant of, Islamic teaching. Claims, as supported by Azza Karam, that the secular feminist movement in Egypt, is essentially, and inherently, opposed to Islam are not valid. Research shows that this group is calling for a secular state but an Islamically-structured secular state. They do oppose male-dominated misinterpretations of Quranic verse, but do not defy the Quranic teachings themselves. Thus, rather than label this group as diametrically opposed to the Islamist group, Karam should have distinguished the second as having an inherently fundamentalist vision of Islam, while the first has a fundamentally secular vision of Islam (please note that reference to "feminist" in this section is reference to "secular feminists" as labeled by Karam).
Misinterpretations of the Quran have established a situation in which the Moslem female is denied access to her marriage rights. According to both Quranic verse and the Prophet's sayings, the female has the right to "freely" choose her husband, without any outside pressure, and must have reached puberty before marriage occurs (The Chains of Law and Custom 109). Within the marriage itself, her most basic right is that of kind treatment by her husband, demonstrating a respect for her inherent dignity as a person. Thirdly, Islam establishes a status of equality within marriage, whereby the husband and wife are referred to as "mates" (Quran 185). That is, marriage is a partnership. Current practices, however, show very little application of these marital rights, leading feminists to argue for the reformation of the Egyptian marital laws according to Islam. Such arguments date back to Huda Sha'arwi's campaigns in the early decades of the twentieth century which largely concentrated on raising the legal marital age (The Chains of Law and Custom 112). To appreciate the true significance of Shaarawi's campaign, and the importance of its success, it should be noted that, prior to this, girls were effectively married off as young as nine (112). The justifications for such a practice are found in both cultural traditions and impoverished economic conditions, rather than Islamic principles. Such traditions argued for early marriage as a means of preventing the development of immoral behaviour (Badran, "Exploring Islamic Feminism" 2). That is, early marriage was positively viewed as a means of preventing girls from the opportunity of interacting with the opposite sex. Furthermore, as girls were viewed as a financial burden, their early marriage was also determined by poverty. In other words, parents sought to marry off their daughters as early as possible in order to be relieved of her expenses (2). Despite the fact that Islam establishes the female's right to choose her husband, and forbids marriage before puberty, the Egyptian legal system did not protect, or uphold, these rights. Basically, despite the fact that Shaarawi's demands were attacked as being Western in nature, her campaign to raise the legal marital age was Islamic ("Concerns of Women" 1). Should this statement be analyzed, its validity will become very clear, as early marriage is contradictory to Islamic practices for two main reasons. Firstly, Islam states that a girl must reach puberty before marriage. Secondly, she must give freely give her consent to the marriage in the presence of two witnesses. It is difficult to imagine a nine year old fulfilling these conditions.
Throughout its history, the feminist movement in Egypt has attempted to solve the issue of marital abuse which occurs at a very high rate, especially among the lower socio-economic groups in the society (Shaarawi 143). The majority of Egyptian women suffer regular physical abuse by their husbands and, yet, do not find any protection from the law. Should they make an official complaint to the police, this complaint is hardly ever recorded with the justification being that Islam gave the husband the right to beat the disobedient wife (Saadawi 69-70). Actually, this is a totally incorrect interpretation of Islam as, according to the Quranic verse which deals with this issue:
"As to those women on whose part ye fear disloyalty and ill-conduct, Admonish them (first). (Next) refuse to share their beds, (And last) beat them (lightly); but if they return to obedience, Seek not against them means (of annoyance)" (Quran 190).
In other words, the husband has the right to "lightly beat" his wife as a last option for continued disobedience. It does not, therefore, support physical abuse or give the male the full power to beat his wife. As we may note from social observations, the reference to "beating" in this verse has been expanded to justify abuse. Arguments state that Islam demands the total obedience of the wife, except in matters contradictory to the Islamic faith, and that the husband has been given the authority to force such obedience. This is not true, as quick reference to the Quran illustrates a stress on "kind" treatment and respect for the female's dignity (186). In its reference to beating, this has been interpreted as a "light pat," and never as a "license for abuse" ("Violence" 1). Considering that Huda Shaarawi and others, such as Doria Shafiq and Ceza Nabarawi, sought the application of Islamic marital laws for the purpose of preventing early marriage, and ensuring the humane treatment of wives, they are to be considered Islamic feminists.
Feminist campaigns for the reformation of divorce laws have often been dismissed as contradictory to Islam, despite their being based on both the Quran and the ahadith. According to the Egyptian Personal Status Law, the husband has the full authority to divorce his wife, without giving any cause, or offering any explanation, for his actions. Furthermore, it also gives him the power to remarry her at will, and without her consent, during the specified "edda" period of three months from the date of divorce (Legal Rights of , 19-20). While the Quran gives the male access to both these practices, it places restrictions on their application. Accordingly, the cause of divorce must be stated, should only occur when life as husband and wife has become impossible, and remarriage should be with the wife's consent ("Gender Equality in Islam" 3).
Within a system that ignores Islamic principles regarding the female's marital rights, the wife's position is always very unstable. For this reason both early, and modern day, feminists argued for the placement of regulations on the male's esma power, further calling for a complete reformation of the divorce laws according to the sharia (Khatar and Nelson 469). According to the study presented by Dr. Zeinab Radwan, the Egyptian legal system has offered a partial response to this by taking measure that would ensure, at least, that the wife is informed of divorce:
"Law no. 100/1985 item 5 requires the husband who divorces the wife to notarize the divorce before the Ma'zoun within 30 days from the date of the divorce. To gaurentee that the wife does not remain ignorant of the divorce, the law requires the Ma'zoun to notify her to protect the wife in case the husband keeps the divorce secret from her, her right to inherit are not affected until she learns of the divorce."
Despite the above, however, much has yet to be achieved to establish the female's right post divorce and pre-divorce. Feminists have argued that the legal system's failure to place restriction on the use of the esma, had effectively transformed it into a weapon to ensure the wife's obedience, and even acceptance of mistreatment ("Violence" 2). That is, the wife is constantly threatened by the existence of the esma, as her husband's unrestricted access to divorce, and consequently can suffer mistreatment in silence, rather than argue for her rights ("Violence" 1). Naturally, she fears that such arguments and demands could lead to her divorce. Therefore, although Egyptian law claims that it supports the husband's unrestrained use of the esma as it is an Islamic principle, this is not true. Noting the consequences and implications of such authority, it is mistake to believe that Islam, which advises husbands and wives to live together "on a footing of kindness and equality" (Quran 185), would propose such abuse. It is true that Islam gave the male the power of the esma, but the Quran stresses that husbands must "practice self-restraint" in using it (Quran 221). Thus, it is not a weapon to be used in a moment of anger in response to the disobedience of the wife, nor should it occur without the consent, or knowledge, of the female. Here the Quran very clearly states that it should take the form of "an amicable settlement" to be discussed by both the husband and the wife (220). In noting Islam's emphasis on marriage occurring with the explicit agreement of the female to a specific mate, it is a logical assumption that this religion would not totally ignore the wife's opinion regarding her own divorce. It is necessary, however, to clarify that the Egyptian law does make some minor concessions to the considerations noted and nullifies divorce that occurs "if the man was forced or drunk," or "if it was conditioned, i.e. if the man told his wife "if you went out, you will be divorced" (Radwan).
Similar to its failure to regulate the esma according to the dictates of Islamic sharia, until recently the Egyptian Personal Status Law failed to uphold the wife's right to obtain a divorce according to specific justifications. The effective prisoning of the wife within a marriage, had led both Shaarawi and Islamic thinkers such as Mohammed Abdou and Sayyid Qutb to argue for reformations in Egypt's divorce laws ("Divorce" 1). While the female did have the right to submit a legal request for divorce, cases stayed in court for periods which could last up to 15 years, with the majority of requests finally being denied (1). The greatest majority of these denials was justified in terms of the wife's failure to provide reasons for her divorce petition ("Divorce" 2). That is, even if she claimed abuse, the courts refused to accept this claim unless her actual abuse had been witnessed by two males, or one male and two women, and they testify to this in court (2). This, and other conditions to the courts' granting the wife's divorce petition, effectively denied Egyptian females access to this Islamic right. The fact is that the Quran gives the woman who is being treated "cruelly" by her husband, the full right to receive, and request a divorce (Quran 220). Furthermore, the ahadith emphasize that the Prophet had upheld this right, and had supported one wife's request for divorce due to the simple fact that she did not love her husband, despite her own admission that he was a `good' person, and a `good' husband (Badran "Exploring Islamic Feminism" 3). The recent introduction of the Khula law amended the situation, and gave Egyptian women access to immediate divorce, on the established Islamic condition that she give up her right to alimony and muakhar, considering that the divorce is her request. In reviewing this particular feminist concern, and demand, we note that it has been defined according to the goal of establishing social rights through the implementation of the sharia. Thus, one clearly sees that feminism and Islam are compatible.
The period following World War II witnessed extreme developments in the Egyptian feminist movement, with concerns expanding to include the issue of polygamy. Shaarawi had dies, but others as Doriya Shafik had emerged (Khater and Nelson 465-466). The most important difference between the pre-World War II movement and the post World War II one, was that the first had been confined to the aristocratic classes, while the second had expanded to include the middle classes (466). This development led to the definition of new social concerns, seeing that different social classes can have different problems. The primary one was polygamy, which occurred at a very high rate among the Egyptian middle class (Badran "Exploring Islamic Feminism" 4). As stated by the Egyptian feminist, Nawal al Saadawi, restraints have to be placed on the practice of polygamy, insofar as the Personal Status Law allowed the male to marry up to four wives, unconditionally (16). The fact is, Islam placed very strict conditions to this practice, with the first being ish'har, and the second equality of treatment. That is, polygamy has to be made public, with the first wife knowing that her husband had taken a second wife. Until recently, the Egyptian legal system did not include this condition, and wives were often unaware of the existence of another wife ("Gender Equality" 4). Feminists movements in Egypt demanded that polygamy laws be reformed to include the Islamic condition of ish'har, and the knowledge of the first wife (4). As they stressed, Islam had also given the wife the right to include her terms regarding polygamy in her marriage contract, seeking the application of these principles in the Personal Status Law (4). Namely, she may record her right to divorce if her husband takes on another wife (4). As it was practiced, the wife did not even have the most basic right of knowing that her husband was married to another woman. Thus, upon entering into marriage, a wife has the option of including the condition that her husband not take a second wife without informing her first, and giving her the right to divorce if he does (Legal Rights 19-20). In other words, Islam does not enforce a situation of polygamy on a wife, and in their anti-polygamy campaigns, early Egyptian feminists argued just that (Shaarawi 111). Accordingly, they successfully campaigned for the female's right to include her objection to such a situation in the marriage contract (Legal Rights of , 20). In other words, they argued for the application of polygamy according to the Islamic concept of social justice, and the even more explicit principle of ish'har..
Similar to having named ish'har as a condition to polygamy, or marriage as such, the Quran further defined equal treatment between wives as an inarguable condition. On the basis of both Quranic verses and ahadith dealing with the condition, Egyptian feminists have argued that polygamy is not favored by Islam (Badran 79). To support their argument, they point to perceived contradictions regarding this specific right, within the Quran. Thus, Verse three, from the fourth Quranic sura states the following:
" you may marry other women who seem good to you; two, three, or four of them, but if you fear you cannot maintain equality among them, marry only one " ("The Chains of Law and Custom" 120).
Then verse 129 from the same sura states:
"Try as you may, you cannot treat all your wives impartially " ("The Chains of Law and Custom" 121).
Thus, according to the applied interpretation, polygamy is both recognized and established in Islam, with specific conditions attached to its practice. According to modern feminist interpretations, it is not sanctioned by Islam as Verse 129 effectively states that the condition for polygamy, can not be fulfilled. While this is a highly controversial issue which can never be fully settled to the satisfaction of all parties involved, the fact remains that the sunna, or the applied Islamic lifestyle of the Prophet, did sanction polygamy, but only as according to the condition mentioned. In their arguments concerning polygamy, Egyptian feminists have argued for the placement of such legal restraints as would ensure equality in treatment, at least with regards to money (Badran 121). According to observations would illustrated that a husband tended to neglect his financial duties regarding one of his wives, showing an inclination to be more generous with the other, feminists have argued that the legal system force financial equality (122). While this may seem a very extreme demand, the fact is that it is not at all contradictory to Islam. One may even argue that it is completely compatible with Islam, insofar as it only seeks the most basic application of the condition of equality.
In essence, the cause of feminism is valid within Islam, and female rights are established within this religion. Arguments for equality are not contradictory to Islam, as proven by the fact that feminists concentrated their demands on the application of the sharia, insofar as they recognized that it supported their cause. Basically, these feminists have tried to establish the Egyptian woman's social rights, as granted to her in Islam, accordingly arguing against the failure of the Personal Status Law to establish her marital rights, to outline correct divorce procedures, and to outline the conditions of polygamy. The fact that the Egyptian female is abused in the areas of marriage, divorce and polygamy is not due to Islam, but to the failure to apply Islam in national laws.
Essentially, this section has tried to argue that female rights are established within Islam and that the Quran. As a religion, it does not define the female as inferior to the male, not does it give her a secondary position. In fact, the aims of feminists do not contradict with Islamic teaching, and are often established through correct application of the sharia. In assessing the cause of feminism, it can be concluded that their demands are compatible with Islam, to the extent that they may be called, as Margot Badran says, "Islamic feminists" despite secular demands (Badran "Exploring Islamic Feminism" 1).. This group is secular only in contrast to the radically Islamicist world-view of that group which Karam defines as "Islamist." Interestingly, and critically important, is that both Badran and Karam have very different interpretations for Islamist feminism.
B. FGM (Female Genital Mutilation)
Female Genital Mutilation is believed to have started in Egypt 2,000 years ago and spread from there. Only a few years ago, FGM was considered a cultural tradition, but now the United Nations has labeled it as a violation of human rights. Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United States has declared Female Genital Mutilation grounds for seeking asylum and is a punishable offense (Mason).
Most in the West had not heard of Female Genital Mutilation until the story of Kauziya Kasinga, a woman from West Africa. Her father did not believe in polygamy, forced marriage, or "female circumcision". He died when she was 17 and the father's sister inherited the home, banished the mother, ended Fauziya's schooling, and arranged a marriage as a fourth wife to a man she had never met. The aunt scheduled her for the circumcision and she ran with 3,000 dollars that one of her aunts had saved.
What is female circumcision? The female genital mutilation term covers three main varieties of genital mutilation ("Female Genital Mutilation: An Introduction."). There is the "sunna circumcision"; this consists of removal of the prepuce and/or the tip of the clitoris. Ironically, sunna in Arabic means "tradition". This is done because it is believed that the clitoris is a very dangerous part of the female anatomy. In our culture, Freud stated in his book, Sexuality and the Psychology of Love, that the "elimination of clitoral sexuality is a necessary precondition for the development of femininity. In 1979, the "Love Surgery" was performed on women in the United Sates. Dr. James Burt, the "Love Surgeon", introduced "clitoral relocation" (sunna circumcision) to the medical field. He believed and acted upon the idea that excision does not prevent sexual pleasure, but enhances it. Dr. Burt practiced in Ohio for almost ten years before he was exposed after which he gave up his license.
Clitoridectomy, also referred to as excision, removes the entire clitoris and the removal of the labia. Thirdly, there is a procedure called an infibulation. This is the most extreme form of circumcision, it consists of the removal of the clitoris, the labia, and the joining of the scraped sides of the vulva across the vagina, where they are secured with thorns or sewn with thread. A small opening is kept to allow passage of urine and menstrual blood. A woman with this type of circumcision must be cut open to allow intercourse on the wedding night and is closed again afterwards to secure fidelity to the husband. It is sometimes opened to allow childbirth, but is sewn up again. In some cultures, the husband will cut her open to have sex with her. In males, you would have to remove the entire penis and testicles (castration) to compare this with infibualtion ("Female Genital Mutilation." ). This was done in the Catholic Church to get men to sing soprano. It is no longer permitted and has been outlawed by the Pope. It was also done to men who worked in harems so that they would not have sex with the girls.
Female genial mutilation is mainly practiced in the African culture. It is also practiced in Christian, Judaism, Aboriginal, and Islamic cultures. FGM is not religious, but is a social custom ("Female Genital Mutilation." ). In some countries it is almost universal. There are over 30 million women currently living in Nigeria that have been circumcised and 24 million in Ethiopia and Eritrea. Some groups say that 114 to 130 million women worldwide have had the operation. FGM has spread worldwide with immigrants coming from Africa and other nations that accept this practice. It is outlawed in the United States, but the practice is still done. Specialists in Denver, CO reported in 1998 that at least 6,000 immigrants have settled in the area from African countries, which widely practices FGM. Dr. Terry Dunn, director of a women's clinic in that city commented: "I know of one patient where it was clear it was performed in this country." About 4 mutilation cases are seen each year at the clinic ("Female Genital Mutilation.").
Female Genital Mutilation can be done at any age depending on the culture. Most cultures do it at the age of puberty; some do it at birth. The justification for the operation appears to be largely grounded in the desire to terminate or reduce feelings of sexual arousal in women so that they will be much less likely to engage in pre-marital intercourse or adultery. The clitoris has a lot of nerve endings, and this gives feelings of sexual arousal when stimulated.
Women in countries that practice FGM who don't get circumcised have a hard time finding marriage partner and being chastised by other women and men. If you are not married say in an African tribe you have no usefulness. Family honor, cleanliness, protection against spell, insurance of virginity and faithfulness to the husband or simply terrorizing women out of sex are sometimes used as excuses for the practice of FGM. In Muslim countries men prefer circumcised wives because they are more likely to be faithful. Other claims in support of FGM are ("Female Mutilation in Africa, Middle East and Far East." ):
a. The clitoris is dangerous and must be removed for health reasons. They believe that if it is a poisonous organ, which can cause a man to sicken or die if contacted by a man's penis. Others believe that men can become impotent by contacting a clitoris, or that a baby will be hydrocephalic (born with "water on the brain") if its head contacts the clitoris during birth. Some believe that the milk of the mother will become poisonous if her clitoris touches the baby.
b. If the clitoris is removed along with the labia is eliminates bad genital odors.
c. FGM prevents vaginal cancer
d. An unremoved clitoris can lead to masturbation or lesbianism.
e. FGM prevents nervousness from developing in girls
f. It prevents the face from turning yellow.
g. It makes the woman's face more beautiful.
h. If FGM is not done, older men may not be able to match their wives' sex drive and may have to resort to illegal stimulating drugs.
i. An intact clitoris generates sexual arousal in women can cause neuroses if repressed.
These claims appear to have little support outside of countries where FGM is common.
FGM was started during the "al-gahiliyya" (translates into "Era of Ignorance"). The Bible is silent on the subject, but the Sunnah (words and actions of the Prophet Mohammed) contains a number of references to female circumcision. One passage is recorded between Mohammed and Um Habibah, a woman who performed infibulation on slaves. She said she would continue to do it unless he forbade it and until Mohammed ordered her to stop doing it. He replied, "Yes, it is allowed. Come closer so I can teach you; if you cut, do not overdo it because it brings more radiance to the face and it is more pleasant for the husband"( Abu-Sahlieh).
Nawal El-Saadawi, a Muslim circumcised woman, stated (El-Saadawi):
"The importance given to virginity and an intact hymen in these societies is the reason why female circumcision still remains a very widespread practice despite a growing tendency, especially in urban Egypt, to do away with it as something outdated and harmful. Being circumcision lies the belief that, by removing parts of girls' external genital organs, sexual desire is minimized. This permits a female who has reached the dangerous age of puberty and adolescence to protect her virginity, and therefore her honor, with greater ease. Chastity was imposed on male attendants in the female harem by castration, which turned them into inoffensive eunuchs. Similarly female circumcision is meant to preserve the chastity of young girls by reducing their desire for sexual intercourse."
The danger in FGM is the unsanitary conditions that these procedures take place in. A midwife or holy woman uses an unclean sharp instrument such as a razorblade, scissors, kitchen knives, and pieces of glass. These instruments are frequently used on several girls in succession and are rarely cleaned, causing the transmission of a variety of viruses such as HIV or hepatitis. Beyond the pain, there are long-term physiological, sexual, and psychological effects, which have been reported from those who have been circumcised. The infections are the biggest problem. There are reports of death from shock and hemorrhage. Long-term complications include sexual frigidity, genital malformation, chronic pelvic complications, recurrent urinary infection and retention, and all obstetric complications, such as the fetus being exposed to disease, having the child's head crushed in the birth canal. Some women must undergo another operation to be "opened" to let the baby out.
When Fauziya Kasinga let her story be known the United Nations and other countries decided to take this problem head on. They have refused to give loans to nations that refuse to stop the practice of FGM. The New Woman Research Center in Egypt says the decision to codify FGM instead of criminalizing it had nothing to do with religion or morality, but is instead "a decision to codify the control of women, and codify violence against them, in addition to decodify the inferior status in society" (9).
The UN Human Right Conference in Vienna, has classified as a human rights violation and is a criminal offense and against the statutes of national and international medical associations.
UNICEF and UNDP want to stop this. They say that it is "absolutely certain that if similar tortures were inflicted on boy children the whole world would rise up to stop it by all means".FGM, or female circumcision as it is termed in Egypt, has been an important issue for women's rights activists in Egypt. According to various studies, those who practice FGM believe it to be a "good tradition," in that it controls both female sexuality and enhances fertility. In fact, it has decidedly negative effects on women's reproductive and psychological health
Estimates indicated that 50 to 60% of Egyptian women have been circumcised. The reason that the figures are quite high is related to the class divisions in Egyptian society. The far more numerous lower classes, both Christians and Muslims, follow this Nile valley tradition, while the families of Turco-Circassian derivation, the main segment of the small historic elite, do not.("Female Genital Mutilation") Furthermore, some prominent Islamists asserted that FGM is an Islamic practice. For example, the Al-Azhar mosque-university, which has played a role in promoting family planning, has produced conflicting statements on FGM, and has not strongly opposed the practice.
New data has suggested that the practice is much more pervasive than was previously admitted. A 1995 EDHS (Egypt Demographic Health Survey) showed that 97% of Egyptian women who have been married ("ever-married women" including divorcees and widows) are circumcised.("Female Genital Mutilation") A separate clinic-based study confirmed these results. Although the study cannot tell us how many young girls are being circumcised today, it does illustrate the magnitude of the issue. Thus, FGM continues despite the attention originally drawn to this issue by Nawal al-Saadawi many years ago; articles by feminists and journalists; local feminist endeavors including creative anti-FGM advertising; and increasing rates of female education.
The FGM Task-Force headed by Marie Assaad was established in 1994 operating under the National NGO Commission for Population and Development. It has created research, mobilization, and advocacy groups, with a center for documents and media reports on FGM. Yet despite the Task Force's attempts to show that it is a form of violence against women, this procedure will apparently continue so long as Egyptians believe that it makes their daughters more marriageable and moral.
Somewhat paradoxically, several key members of the Task Force did not support the 1996 ban on FGM in government hospitals and clinics. They thought it was better for women's health to insist that any FGM be supervised by doctors, taking it out of the hands of midwives and barbers, who often perform it. This meant that some feminists opposed to any form of FGM were in conflict with the Task Force's strategy.
The ban on FGM in government hospitals, it is interesting to note, came about because of public controversy generated by international media coverage. When CNN broadcast footage of a circumcision, the producer and network faced legal charges for supposedly promoting a negative image of Egypt. The charges were dropped, and the minister of health denounced FGM, issuing decree 261 in 1996 forbidding FGM in governmental medical hospitals and clinics. The decree was challenged in the courts and overturned, but was reinstated in 1997.
Conclusion
As seen from the "analysis offered through independent research, Azza Karam offers views and perceptions that serve as a starting point for interesting research into several related areas and issues. Some may offer different conclusions or definitions then those forwarded by Karam as, for instance, Islamist feminism as opposed to the secular form. The point is that objective analysis of sensitive socio-cultural issues such as this are near-impossible. Therefore, uncovering different opinions does not mean a flaw in Karam's book but, rather a different stand.
Works Cited
Primary Source
Karam, Azza M. Women, Islamisms and the State: Contemporary Feminism in Egypt. London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1998.
Paper
Radwan, Zeinab. "Islamic Law and Women in the Modern World." Arab Republic of Egypt: Cairo University, 1996. (author is Chairman and Professor of Islamic Philosophy; Vice-Dean for Student and Education Affairs at the Faculty of Arabic and Islamic Studies, Cairo University).
Ohio Amish Country: A Bed and Breakfast Experience that Generates Contentment The Social Media Revolution Facts Employing Advanced Search Options Effectively In Various Social Media Sites What is it about social media? Right Selection of Micro SD Card Assessing the mid-term elections Religion vs. Humanity Is Taoism a Religion? Thoughts On The Selection Of Diamond Wedding Anniversary Gifts Hardwood Flooring - Care And Selection Information Simple Guide to Islam's Contribution to Science SOCIAL MEDIA OPTIMIZATION Measuring Results from Social Media