Polarity Between Academic And Public Views In Discourse On Anglicisms
In a comprehensive study on discourse on anglicisms in the German press
, Spitzmiiller (2005) shows that today, purism emerges as the most distinctive feature separating academic and public views. This is based on the fact that linguistic thought generally conceives of language as an open system that is constantly subject to change while public opinion tends to see language as a closed system of inviolable norms. Thus, contact-induced language change is regarded as a natural process in linguistics whereas opinions following from the conceptualization of language as a discretely bounded entity can perceive other language influence as causing unwanted change in the status quo of language.
Discount Merrell ShoesThe difference between academic opinions and purist public attitudes emerges from the recent history of discourse in anglicism research and public criticism in German. In the second half of the twentieth century, concomitant with major developments in language contact research (cf. Betz, 1936, 1949; Haugen, 1950; Weinreich, 1953), the first large-scale descriptive studies on anglicisms in German were conducted. The works by Zindler (1959); Carstensen (1965); Carstensen & Galinsky (1975), and Fink (1968) described the rising impact of English on German by investigating the use of English borrowings in German press publications. These studies were centrally concerned with classifying various shades of English influence from caiques to direct borrowings in line with Betz's taxonomy of loan influences. Furthermore, these studies investigated patterns of orthographical and morphological integration of English loans in German and outlined some of the reasons why English elements turned into popular additions to the German language.
In a way, these studies defined the field for the next three decades of anglicism research, which was characterized by a great number of investigations expounding on the use of English terms in different regional varieties of German (cf., among others, Bus, 1980; Roller, 1978; Lehnert, 1990; K. Viereck, 1986), in the field of technical languages (cf. Allenbacher, 1999; Schmitt, 1985), and by focussing on specific features of integration (e.g., gender assignment, cf. Carstensen, 1980; Gregor, 1983). In line with the widespread perception that the influence of English is constantly increasing in German, a number of scholars tried to test this hypothesis by quantifying the number of anglicisms. Most notably, Yang (1990) provides a diachronic cross section of occurrences in the German newsmagazine Der Spiegel for the years 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980. Throughout this period, he notes a slight but steady increase from an average of 2.93 anglicisms per Spiegel-page in 1950 to 4.94 anglicisms in 1980 (1990:35-36). A similarly small increase in the number of anglicisms per page in other German press publications is reported in Lee (1996:30), who counts 4.47 in 1988 and in 1992 as a token of the increase of anglicisms in the GDR from shortly before to after the fall of the regime. Schelper (1995) determines the number of anglicisms from a random sample of Austrian, German, and Swiss newspapers from 1949 to 1989. She observes yearly fluctuation in her data that is, however, still indicative of a general rise. As one of the highest rates of increase, her sample of the Austrian newspaper Die Presse shows 123 anglicisms in 1949 and 210 in 1989 (this count also includes potential caiques as anglicisms).
My student's death powerfully opened the questions of sexuality and personal identity to me. Why was a young man who (insofar as he made any identification) identified as a heterosexual perceived as gay? How was sexual identity written onto and read off my student's body? Following James's death, I came to feel the vital importance of education about sexuality and sexual identity for all students. This is not to say that I stopped believing in the importance of creating opportunities for my queer and questioning students to read and write texts with lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender characters and themes. It's just that I began to believe that the other side of the coin was just asand perhaps even moreimportant: to question the apparently settled category of "straight" heterosexuality and to see how what queer theorists called "heteronormativity" (how certain norms and assumptions lead to a "compulsory heterosexuality") shapes the way we understand gender and sexual identities. Some of the work of the English classroom, I came to believe, should be about exposing and analyzing how we read and write our sexual identities in textual and embodied worlds and how we can both confound and be confounded in our expectations of
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